NEW YORK, Aug. 30, 2018 /PRNewswire/ — AJC welcomes the UN report on genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar and urges the UN Security Council to take concrete action to implement the report’s recommendations.
“The horrific attacks against the Rohingya cannot be ignored. It is critical for the international community to seek accountability for perpetrators of these gross human rights violations and abuses,” said Jerry Biederman, Chair of the Administrative Council of AJC’s Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights.
The Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, comprised of three esteemed human rights experts, including Radhika Coomaraswamy, former Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations, and Marzuki Darusman, former Indonesian attorney general, released the report one year after Myanmar’s military undertook a brutal campaign against the country’s Rohingya Muslim minority.
More than 600,000 have fled to neighboring Bangladesh to seek safety from the regime’s mass abuses and atrocities, including burning villages, raping, and killing thousands. The military assaults were allegedly in response to attacks by a Rohingya resistance group, but the report indicates “the nature, scale and organization of the operations suggests a level of preplanning and design” intended to “solve the problem” of the Rohingya by embarking on disproportionate and gruesome “clearance operations” targeting and terrorizing the entire Rohingya population.
“There is sufficient information to warrant the investigation and prosecution of senior officials so that a competent court can determine their liability for genocide in relation to the situation in Rakhine State,” concludes the UN fact-finding mission report. It also recommended that the Rohingya situation in Myanmar be referred to the International Criminal Court to ensure accountability for those responsible for these grave crimes.
The UN Mission’s report describes the gross human rights violations and abuses as “shocking” for their “horrifying nature” and “the level of denial, normalcy and impunity that is attached to them.” The report criticizes Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s former President and current Foreign Minister and State Counsellor, for failing to stem human rights abuses and protect the Rohingya population.
“This report merits the most serious attention and follow-up by the UN Security Council and others,” said Biederman. AJC urges all members of the UN Security Council to demand investigations and prosecutions of perpetrators of crimes against humanity and genocide, and to ensure a resolution to the refugee crisis as well.
Other recommendations in the report include UN Security Council-imposed sanctions on top officials, the creation of a mechanism to gather evidence, ensuring repatriation only under safe and voluntary conditions with human rights protection guarantees.
AJC calls on the Security Council to adopt and implement all the recommendations in the Independent Fact-Finding Mission report.
SOURCE American Jewish Committee
Source by : https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/ajc-urges-un-security-council-to-protect-myanmars-rohingya-population-300705150.html
NEW YORK, Aug. 30, 2018 /PRNewswire/ — AJC welcomes the UN report on genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar and urges the UN Security Council to take concrete action to implement the report’s recommendations.
YANGON (Reuters) – The grainy black-and-white photo, printed in a new book on the Rohingya crisis authored by Myanmar’s army, shows a man standing over two bodies, wielding a farming tool. “Bengalis killed local ethnics brutally”, reads the caption.
In the top screenshot, an authentic image (as captured from Flickr) depicts the bodies of Bengalis being retrieved following a massacre in Dhaka, Bangladesh, in 1971. In the bottom screenshot, the same image has been repurposed in the Myanmar army’s recent book on the Rohingya. Here, the book falsely describes the scene as the brutal killing by Bengalis of local ethnic people in Myanmar. (Top: Anwar Hossain/Flickr, Bottom: Myanmar Politics and the Tatmadaw: Part 1/via REUTERS)
The photo appears in a section of the book covering ethnic riots in Myanmar in the 1940s. The text says the image shows Buddhists murdered by Rohingya – members of a Muslim minority the book refers to as “Bengalis” to imply they are illegal immigrants.
But a Reuters examination of the photograph shows it was actually taken during Bangladesh’s 1971 independence war, when hundreds of thousands of Bangladeshis were killed by Pakistani troops.
It is one of three images that appear in the book, published in July by the army’s department of public relations and psychological warfare, that have been misrepresented as archival pictures from the western state of Rakhine.
In fact, Reuters found that two of the photos originally were taken in Bangladesh and Tanzania. A third was falsely labeled as depicting Rohingya entering Myanmar from Bangladesh, when in reality it showed migrants leaving the country.
The top screenshot shows a prize-winning image of Hutu refugees taken in 1996 following the violence in Rwanda. In the bottom screenshot, the same image has been altered for use in the Myanmar army’s recently published book on the Rohingya. It has been converted to black and white, and the caption falsely describes the subjects as Bengalis who have “intruded” into Myanmar after the British colonial occupation of lower Myanmar. (Top: Martha Rial/Pittsburgh Post-Gazette/The Pulitzer Prizes. Bottom: Myanmar Politics and the Tatmadaw: Part 1/via REUTERS)
Government spokesman Zaw Htay and a military spokesman could not be reached for comment on the authenticity of the images. U Myo Myint Maung, permanent secretary at the Ministry of Information, declined to comment, saying he had not read the book.
The 117-page “Myanmar Politics and the Tatmadaw: Part I” relates the army’s narrative of August last year, when some 700,000 Rohingya fled Rakhine to Bangladesh, according to United Nations agencies, triggering reports of mass killings, rape, and arson. Tatmadaw is the official name of Myanmar’s military.
Much of the content is sourced to the military’s “True News” information unit, which since the start of the crisis has distributed news giving the army’s perspective, mostly via Facebook.
The book is on sale at bookstores across the commercial capital of Yangon. A member of staff at Innwa, one of the biggest bookshops in the city, said the 50 copies the store ordered had sold out, but there was no plan to order more. “Not many people came looking for it,” said the bookseller, who declined to be named.
On Monday, Facebook banned the army chief and other military officials accused of using the platform to “inflame ethnic and religious tensions”. The same day, U.N investigators accused Senior General Min Aung Hlaing of overseeing a campaign with “genocidal intent” and recommended he and other senior officials be prosecuted for crimes against humanity.
In its new book, the military denies the allegations of abuses, blaming the violence on “Bengali terrorists” it says were intent on carving out a Rohingya state named “Arkistan”.
Attacks by Rohingya militants calling themselves the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army preceded the military’s crackdown in August 2017 in Rakhine state, in which the U.N. investigators say 10,000 people may have been killed. The group denies it has separatist aims.
The book also seeks to trace the history of the Rohingya – who regard themselves as native to western Myanmar – casting them as interlopers from Bangladesh.
The top screenshot shows a genuine photo from Getty Images depicting Rohingya and Bangladeshi migrants, who were trying to flee Myanmar, after their boat was seized by Myanmar’s navy, near Yangon, in 2015. In the screenshot below, the same image appears in the Myanmar army’s new book on the Rohingya. It has been flipped and converted to black and white. The caption falsely says the image shows Bengalis entering Myanmar by boat. (Top: Getty Images, Bottom: Myanmar Politics and the Tatmadaw: Part 1/via REUTERS)
In the introduction to the book the writer, listed as Lieutenant Colonel Kyaw Kyaw Oo, says the text was compiled using “documentary photos” with the aim of “revealing the history of Bengalis”.
“It can be found that whenever a political change or an ethnic armed conflict occurred in Myanmar those Bengalis take it as an opportunity,” the book reads, arguing that Muslims took advantage of the uncertainty of Myanmar’s nascent democratic transition to ignite “religious clashes”.
Reuters was unable to contact Kyaw Kyaw Oo for comment.
Reuters examined some of the photographs using Google Reverse Image Search and TinEye, tools commonly used by news organizations and others to identify images that have previously appeared online. Checks were then made with the previously credited publishers to establish the origins of those images.
Of the 80 images in the book, most were recent pictures of army chief Min Aung Hlaing meeting foreign dignitaries or local officials visiting Rakhine. Several were screengrabs from videos posted by Rohingya militant group the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army.
Of eight photos presented as historical images, Reuters found the provenance of three to be faked and was unable to determine the provenance of the five others.
One faded black-and-white image shows a crowd of men who appear to be on a long march with their backs bent over. “Bengalis intruded into the country after the British Colonialism occupied the lower part of Myanmar,” the caption reads.
The photo is apparently intended to depict Rohingya arriving in Myanmar during the colonial era, which ended in 1948. Reuters determined the picture is in fact a distorted version of a color image taken in 1996 of refugees fleeing the genocide in Rwanda. The photographer, Martha Rial, working for the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, won the Pulitzer Prize.
The newspaper did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the use of its photo.
Another picture, also printed in black-and-white, shows men aboard a rickety boat. “Bengalis entered Myanmar via the watercourse,” the caption reads.
Actually, the original photo depicts Rohingya and Bangladeshi migrants leaving Myanmar in 2015, when tens of thousands fled for Thailand and Malaysia. The original has been rotated and blurred so the photo looks granular. It was sourced from Myanmar’s own Ministry of Information.
Source by : https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-trade-china/trump-tweets-are-messages-from-some-alternative-universe-china-daily-idUSKCN1LG04M
By THOMAS KEAN | FRONTIER
The next few months will be an incredibly difficult period for Myanmar, dealing a succession of further blows to the image of the country, its transition and its political leaders, notably State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
The US State Department will soon release a highly detailed investigation into allegations of human rights abuses in northern Rakhine State. The weight of evidence is such that it may lead to a determination of genocide by the US.
A UN Fact-Finding Mission set up to investigate allegations of rights violations in Rakhine as well as Shan and Kachin states since 2011 has already said in its main findings and recommendations, which were presented to the Human Rights Council on August 27, that there is enough evidence to justify investigating and prosecutingmilitary commanders, including Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, for genocide. It will release its final report in September.
Myanmar will also come under further pressure at the UN General Assembly, where UN special rapporteur on human rights Ms Yanghee Lee will deliver her report. There will be more reports, more investigations, more determinations. In the background is the International Criminal Court’s looming decision on whether it has jurisdiction over the alleged forced deportation of Rohingya Muslims from Rakhine State.
The civilian National League for Democracy government has little control over the Tatmadaw. What happened in the past also cannot be undone.
But the government can decide how to respond to these allegations, and to the considerable challenge of creating a better future for all people in northern Rakhine State.
Ahead of the first anniversary of the August 25 attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, Frontier interviewed more than a dozen foreign policy experts, political analysts and government officials from a range of countries, including Myanmar.
There was a consensus that the Myanmar government’s response to this complex crisis has not served the country well. The effect domestically has been to unleash a wave of aggrieved nationalism that has hardened attitudes, making reconciliation much more difficult to envision, let alone achieve in practice.
Internationally, the government’s response has damaged many of its key relationships. Myanmar has moved closer to China at a time when the need for balanced foreign relations is more acute than ever.
Paradoxically Aung San Suu Kyi’s handling of the crisis has also hurt her relationship with the military, because it has only fuelled efforts for justice, disengagement and punitive measures like sanctions. At the same time, the military has been empowered and emboldened in the domestic sphere to the detriment of the civilian administration.
It is time for a fresh approach: one that is sincere, inclusive and transparent. Even seemingly small changes in tone and message could make a significant difference to Myanmar’s relationships and how it is perceived around the world, as well as prospects for repatriation and genuine reconciliation in Rakhine State.
This is not about narrow interests: what is best for the Rohingya or Rakhine, or for the NLD or military. This is about Myanmar’s national interest. If the government continues on the present path, it will only further entrench its growing isolation and make genuine progress in Rakhine a more remote prospect.
The United Nations Security Council holds a meeting on violence in Rakhine State on September 28, 2017. (AFP)
A significant amount of damage has already been done. While much of it was inevitable, some could have been avoided.
In particular, the government’s twin strategies of denial and delay have been disastrous. It has been reactive – waiting and then responding belatedly to pressure – rather than proactive. It has looked to the past – in particular, previous refugee crises – for answers and solutions, without recognising how much Rakhine State, Myanmar and the world have changed.
Accountability for what transpired in Rakhine State will be extremely difficult to achieve in a Myanmar context. But in denying outright the allegations of abuses and refusing to investigate them for nearly a year, the government has been forced repeatedly to adopt irrational and untenable positions. Its attempts to respond to negative international media coverage with its own propaganda have further damaged its credibility.
Trying to avoid responsibility has come at a significant cost. Human rights groups and other organisations have stepped into the vacuum, conducting their own thorough investigations. The government has ceded the ground and lost control over the process. But in the end, under pressure from the United Nations Security Council, it has still been forced to form its own commission of inquiry.
Coming at this juncture, expectations for what this commission can achieve – or is even intended to achieve – are low. Had it been established at Myanmar’s initiative and in the immediate aftermath, these expectations may have been different.
But the timing of the government’s actions over the past year has created the impression that each step is designed only to ease pressure ahead of key United Nations meetings. It reinforces the notion that the government is not sincere.
The memorandum of understanding signed with two UN agencies is another example. If it were indeed a breakthrough, UN staff would not have to wait months for travel authorisation. It will not be greatly surprising if, at the moment the UN is about to walk away from the deal, the authorisation comes through.
These are classic steps out of the military junta playbook. Relent a little, relieve the pressure, then slam the door.
It should also not be surprising then that those in charge of foreign policy alongside Aung San Suu Kyi are veterans of that era. Influential ministers U Kyaw Tint Swe, U Thaung Tun and U Kyaw Tin all cut their teeth in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs defending Than Shwe’s government from allegations of rights abuses and political oppression.
It is a flawed approach. It prioritises short-term results over long-term progress in Rakhine State, it damages prospects for international cooperation, and it cedes the initiative to other actors.
It is also not compatible with the context. The abuses under military rule could be more easily defended on the grounds they were internal matters, whereas the Rakhine crisis has clear international implications.
The push for accountability is not going to blow over any time soon. The US State Department report is designed to preserve evidence. In all likelihood, the issue will hang over Myanmar for decades, influencing its economic and political relationships.
Already the damage to Myanmar’s reputation is having a material affect. Foreign investment has slowed and important economic sectors like tourism, which creates a large number of jobs, have been hard hit.
But there is an opportunity for Myanmar to change the narrative and begin repairing its image and relationships. An important step on the government’s part would be to acknowledge that security forces and vigilantes were almost certainly involved in much of the violence in northern Rakhine State. It would go a long way towards rebuilding trust and confidence.
For all the criticism of Myanmar, the international response so far has been restrained – particularly considering the seriousness of the allegations, the volume of evidence and the scale of the refugee crisis. Sanctions have been limited and symbolic in nature. There has been little real change in foreign policy towards Myanmar.
This is born out of a lack of leverage, but also a desire to stop Myanmar becoming dependent on China and an appreciation of the very serious challenges the government faces. The reality is that nobody wants the NLD government to fail; on the contrary, there is a keen desire to assist.
Displaced Rohingya refugees from Rakhine State walk near the border with Bangladesh on September 4, 2017. (AFP)
There is a broad consensus that the recommendations offer the best pathway forward – indeed, it’s one of the few things that Myanmar and its partners agree on. To date though the international community has been mostly locked out of the process, which has been highly opaque. Aung San Suu Kyi’s recent claim that 81 of 88 recommendations have already been implemented has raised eyebrows, given that many are long-term in nature.
And the point that nearly everyone interviewed for this piece agreed on was that, at its core, citizenship is the answer. That is one of the recommendations that has not been taken up.
Going it alone is not the solution for Myanmar. The government needs to come up with a coherent strategy to engage with all international stakeholders. This doesn’t mean giving up sovereignty; it can remain in control of the process. But a clear plan for implementation, with timelines, costings and responsibilities, would find strong international support.
But the most significant change required is in the way the Rakhine issue has been framed domestically.
One of the biggest failings of the past 12 months has been the inability of Myanmar’s leaders to convince the country that there is an alternative to hatred, exclusion and violence. No one has stood up to the hate speech and incitement, the suggestions that all refugees are terrorist sympathisers and illegal immigrants. Now that those sentiments have been unleashed, they will be incredibly difficult to contain. In this toxic environment, it would be almost impossible for any political leader to challenge the status quo.
Except, that is, for Aung San Suu Kyi. For all the knocks she has taken over the past year, her stature and authority are such that she is still the only politician who can shape the views of vast numbers of people.
She can begin the difficult conversation that needs to take place around citizenship and identity, and what it means to be a citizen of Myanmar. This is going to take time, but beginning the process would be an important signal to everyone that a resolution over the long term is possible.
To date, though, when Aung San Suu Kyi has spoken publicly about the crisis she has appeared dispassionate and disconnected – as though she was discussing an administrative challenge rather than a human tragedy. She has shown seemingly little empathy for the suffering that all communities in Rakhine State have endured. These cues have not been missed, either at home or abroad.
When Aung San Suu Kyi took the stage for her Singapore lecture on August 21, the time was right to signal a new approach.
What she delivered was essentially more of the same. That Myanmar was the victim of terrorism. That it was committed to repatriation and the implementation of the Annan commission’s recommendations.
The intention may indeed be genuine. But relying on the methods of the past 12 months is only likely to further damage Myanmar’s national interests.
တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕မ်ားအၾကား တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္ပြားေနသည့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသမ်ားတြင္ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္ျပည္သူမ်ားအတြက္ ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့မႈမ်ားကို တပ္မေတာ္က တားဆီး ကန္႔သတ္လ်က္ရွိေနသည့္အတြက္ ကုလလံုျခံဳေရးေကာင္စီအေနျဖင့္ ယင္းကိစၥမ်ားအတြက္ပါ စံုစမ္း စစ္ေဆးသင့္သည္ဟု ႏိုင္ငံတကာလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕ျဖစ္သည့္ Fortify Rights က တိုက္တြန္းလိုက္သည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသားစစ္တပ္ကို အႏိုင္ယူရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းအားထုတ္မႈ တစ္ရပ္အေနျဖင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားအတြက္ အကူအညီ အေထာက္အပ့ံမ်ား ကင္းမဲ့ေစေအာင္ တပ္မေတာ္ဘက္က လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနျခင္းသည္ တရားဥပေဒႏွင့္မညီေသာ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာတစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု အဖြဲ႔၏ အမႈေဆာင္အရာရွိခ်ဳပ္ မက္သယူးစမစ္က ေျပာၾကားသည္။
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္ျပည္သူမ်ား လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ခံေနရသည္ကို မီးေမာင္းထိုးျပထားသည့္ “အရာရာကို သူတို႔ ပိတ္ဆို႔ထားတယ္”အမည္ရွိ အစီရင္ခံစာႏွင့္အတူ ေၾကညာခ်က္တစ္ေစာင္ကို ၎တို႔က ယေန႔ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ျပီး တာဝန္ရွိသူမ်ားကို တရားစြဲဆိုအျပစ္ေပးႏိုင္ရန္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာရာဇဝတ္ခံုရံုး (ICC)သို႔ အေရးတႀကီး လႊဲေျပာင္းသင့္သည္ဟုလည္း ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။
“ေရွးရိုးဆန္တဲ့အစိုးရနဲ႔ တပ္မေတာ္တို႔ဟာ ျပည္တြင္းနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အကူအညီေပးေရးအဖြဲ႕ေတြကို ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရွိ တားဆီးပိတ္ပင္ၿပီး ကခ်င္အရပ္သား ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕ အေထာက္အပံ့ေတြ လက္လွမ္းမီရရွိႏိုင္ေရးကို ျငင္းဆန္ ပယ္ခ်ေနခဲ့တယ္”ဟု မက္သယူးစမစ္က ေျပာသည္။
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္လြတ္လပ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ (ေကအိုင္ေအ) တို႔အၾကား ၂ဝ၁၁ ခုႏွစ္မွစတင္ကာ ၂ဝ၁၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလိုင္လအထိ တေက်ာ့ျပန္ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္ျပည္သူ တစ္သိန္းႏွစ္ေသာင္းေက်ာ္ ေနရပ္စြန္႔ခြာ ထြက္ေျပးခဲ့ၾကရျပီး စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ ခိုလံႈေနၾကသည္။
ကခ်င္ႏွစ္ျခင္းခရစ္ယာန္အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ (ေကဘီစီ)၏ ဥကၠ႒ သိကၡာေတာ္ရဆရာ ခလမ္ဆမ္ဆြန္က ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းရွိ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္စခန္းမွ ျပည္သူမ်ားကို ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့မႈမ်ားျပဳလုပ္ရန္ တပ္မေတာ္က တားဆီးကန္႔သတ္မႈ ျပဳလုပ္ေနသည္ဆိုသည္မွာ မွန္ကန္ၿပီး အခ်ိဳ႕ေနရာမ်ားတြင္ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္ျပည္သူမ်ား ေနထိုင္ရန္ ယာယီတဲမ်ား ေဆာက္လုပ္ေပးရန္အတြက္ပင္ ကန္႔သတ္မႈမ်ားရွိေနသည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။
ထို႔ျပင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းရွိ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္ျပည္သူမ်ားအား “စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္” ဟူေသာ အသံုးအႏႈန္း သံုးစြဲျခင္းကိုပင္ တပ္မေတာ္ဘက္က ပိတ္ပင္ထားသည့္အျပင္ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္စခန္းမ်ား ရွိေနျခင္းကိုလည္း အသိအမွတ္ျပဳျခင္းမရွိဟု ေကဘီစီက ေျပာၾကားသည္။
”တႏိုင္းမွာဆိုရင္ ဘုရားေက်ာင္းထဲမွာပဲ ယာယီတဲ ေဆာက္ခြင့္ေပးတယ္။ အျပင္မွာ သီးသန္႔ထားဖို႔ကို ေဆာက္ခြင့္မေပးဘူး။ ဆန္ပို႔ရင္ေတာ့ တစ္လကို ဘယ္ႏွစ္ျပည္ဆိုျပီးပဲပို႔ရတယ္။ ဒါေတာင္ေထာက္ခံစာနဲ႔မွ သယ္ခြင့္ေပးတာ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔အေနနဲ႔ ဒါေတြကိုေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ဖို႔ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ ေတြ႕ဖို႔ရွိပါတယ္”ဟု ဆရာ ခလမ္ဆမ္ဆြန္က ေျပာသည္။
ေကအိုင္ေအ၏ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္နယ္ေျမျဖစ္သည့္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္လည္း စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္ျပည္သူမ်ား ခိုလွံဴလ်က္ရွိျပီး ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အကူအညီေပးေရးအဖြဲ႕မ်ား သြားလာခြင့္မရွိသည့္အျပင္ ျပည္တြင္း အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားလည္း အကန္႔အသတ္မ်ားျဖင့္ သြားလာေနရသည္။
ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားလံုးဆိုင္ရာ လူငယ္သမဂၢ ဥကၠ႒ ကိုလြမ္းေဇာင္းက လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕ရွိ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္ျပည္သူမ်ားတြင္ အခက္အခဲမ်ားစြာ ျဖစ္ေပၚလ်က္ရွိေနျပီး ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့မႈမ်ား ေရာက္ရွိမႈမွာ အလြန္ပင္နည္းပါးလ်က္ရွိသည္ဟု ေျပာသည္။
”လံုျခံဳေရးေကာင္စီက တပ္မေတာ္ကို စံုစမ္းေဖာ္ထုတ္သင့္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ Fortify Rights ရဲ႕ တိုက္တြန္းခ်က္ကို အျပည့္အဝ ေထာက္ခံပါတယ္။ အရပ္သားေတြ လူမသိသူမသိ သတ္ပစ္တာေတြလည္း ရွိတယ္။ လုိင္ဇာမွာဆိုရင္လည္း အသက္ရွင္ရံုေလာက္အတြက္ပဲ အကူအညီ ရေနၾကရပါတယ္”ဟု ၎က ဆိုသည္။
Fortify Rights ၏အဆိုအရ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံနယ္စပ္အနီးထိ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းေနထိုင္ရသည့္ စစ္ေဘးေရွာင္ျပည္သူမ်ားကို ေထာက္ပံ့ေရးျပဳလုပ္မည့္ ကုလအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအား လုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္ရြက္ခြင့္မျပဳဘဲ တားျမစ္ပိတ္ပင္ရန္ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံအစိုးရက ျမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္မ်ားႏွင့္သာမက တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကိုပါ သီးသန္႔တိုက္တြန္းထားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
Source by : https://frontiermyanmar.net/mm/news/11312#.W4feNFsxgaB.facebook
လူမ်ိဳးတံုးရွင္းလင္းေရး ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ မူဆလင္ေတြကို ရွင္းလင္းခဲ႔တယ္ဆိုတဲ႔ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာ စစ္တပ္ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြကို စြဲခ်က္တင္ဖို႔ ကုလသမဂၢ အခ်က္အလက္ရွာ အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ အစီရင္ခံစာကို ျမန္မာ အစိုးရက လက္မခံ ပယ္ခ်ခဲ႔ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံထဲကို ၀င္ေရာက္ခြင့္ မရဘဲ ဘဂၤလားေဒရွ္႕မွာ ခုိုလံႈေနၾကတဲ႔ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုေမးျမန္းၿပီး ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္တဲ႔ ကုလ အစီရင္ခံစာက မျပည့္စံုဘူးလို႔ အေမရိကန္ အေျခစိုက္ Stimson Center ရဲ႕ အေရွ႕အာရွေရးရွာ အစီအစဥ္ရဲ႕ တြဲဖက္ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး၊ တရုတ္ဆိုင္ရာ အစီအစဥ္ရဲ႕ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး Yun Sun က သံုးသပ္ပါတယ္။ CCTV သတင္းတပုဒ္ကို မသိဂၤ ီထုိက္ ျပန္ေျပာျပမွာပါ။
ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္းကေန ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္ သိန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ဘဂၤလားေဒရွ္႕ဘက္ ထြက္ေျပးခဲ႔ၾကရတာက ျမန္မာ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ အင္အားအလြန္အကြ်ံသံုး နယ္ေျမ ရွင္းလင္းမႈေတြေၾကာင့္လို႔ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေကာ္မရွင္က ဖြဲ႔စည္းတဲ႔ ျမန္မာ ဆိုင္ရာ အခ်က္အလက္ရွာ အဖြဲ႔က အစီရင္ခံစာ ထုတ္ျပန္ပါတယ္။ ဒါ႔အျပင္ တပ္မေတာ္ ကာကြယ္ေရး ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္ အပါအ၀င္ စစ္တပ္ တာ၀န္ရွိသူ ၆ ဦးကို ႏုိင္ငံတကာ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးနဲ႔ တရားစြဲဆိုႏုိင္ဖုိ႔လည္း အစီရင္ခံစာက တိုက္တြန္းပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာ အစိုးရဘက္ကေတာ့ ဒီအစီရင္ခံစာကို ယတိျပတ္ ပယ္ခ်ပါတယ္။
အေမရိကန္ အေျခစိုက္ ပညာရွင္ အဖြဲ႔ Stimson Center ရဲ႕ အေရွ႕အာရွေရးရွာ အစီအစဥ္ရဲ႕ တြဲဖက္ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး၊ တရုတ္ဆိုင္ရာ အစီအစဥ္ရဲ႕ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး Yun Sun ကေတာ့ ကုလ အစီရင္ခံစာ အေပၚ အခုလို သံုးသပ္ပါတယ္။
“အမွန္တရားဆိုတာက ႏွစ္ဘက္ရဲ႕ ၾကားမွာဘဲ အျမဲတမ္း ရွိတယ္လို႔ ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။ အခ်က္အလက္ရွာ အဖြဲ႔ အေနနဲ႔ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ထဲကို ၀င္ေရာက္ခြင့္ မရခဲ႔ေပမယ့္ ဘဂၤလားေဒရွ္႕မွာ လက္ရွိ ေနထိုင္ေနၾကတဲ႔ ဒုကၡသည္ ၇ သိန္းနဲ႔ေတာ့ ေတြ႔ဆံုခြင့္ ရခဲ႔ပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ထဲကို ၀င္ေရာက္ခြင့္ မရခဲ႔ေတာ့ သူတို႔ ဘာမွ မသိဘူး ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒါက မွ်တတဲ႔ အကဲျဖတ္ခ်က္ မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ ေျပာစရာပါ။ အမွန္တရားက ႏွစ္ဘက္စလံုးရဲ႕ ၾကားမွာ ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္လည္း ရႈပ္ေထြးတဲ႔ ျပည္တြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး အေၾကာင္းေတြရွိေနၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ အေနနဲ႔ ဒီကိစၥ အေပၚ သူမရဲ႕ ရႈျမင္ခ်က္ကို ေျပာဖို႔ တြန္႔ဆုတ္ေနဟန္ ရွိပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာ လူထုက ဒီလူေတြကို ဘဂၤါလီလို႔ဘဲ ေခၚၾကတာေၾကာင့္ သူမ အေနနဲ႔ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလို႔ သံုးႏႈန္း ေျပာဆိုဖု႔ိေတာင္ ၀န္ေလးေနတာပါ။ ဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ အရပ္သား အစိုးရၾကားမွာ ျပသနာ ရွိေနပါတယ္။ အျမင္ မတူတာေတြ ရွိေနပါတယ္။”
ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ပဋိပကၡမွာ ရႈေထာင့္ေပါင္းစံုက သံုးသပ္ႏုိင္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္တယ္လို႔လည္း Stimson Center ရဲ႕ အေရွ႕အာရွေရးရွာ အစီအစဥ္ရဲ႕ တြဲဖက္ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး၊ တရုတ္ဆိုင္ရာ အစီအစဥ္ရဲ႕ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး Yun Sun က အခုလို ေျပာပါတယ္။
ဒါက အျပည့္အ၀ မွန္မွာ မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ဘဲ ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။ အေၾကာင္းအရာ အမ်ားႀကီး ပါ၀င္တဲ႔ ဒီပဋိပကၡရဲ႕ ရႈ႕ေထာင့္ တခုကိုဘဲ အခ်က္အလက္ရွာ အဖြဲ႔ အေနနဲ႔ ေရြးၿပီး အဓိကထား လုပ္ခဲ႔တယ္လို႔ က်မ အေနနဲ႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။ မူ၀ါဒေရးရာ ကြ်မ္းက်င္ ႏွံ႔စပ္သူေတြ၊ ေကာင္းေကာင္း နားလည္တဲ႔ အရာရွိေတြ လိုအပ္တဲ႔ အေၾကာင္းလည္း သူတို႔က ေျပာဆိုၾကပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ အေနနဲ႔ တကယ့္ ျပသနာကို နားလည္ၾကပါတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံတြင္းမွာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ ရွိေနတာကို ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ကို လက္မခံႏုိင္တဲ႔ျမန္မာ လူထုရဲ႕ သေဘာထားက နက္နက္ရိႈင္းရိႈင္းကို အျမစ္တြယ္ေနတာက ျပသနာပါ။
ဒါက လူမ်ိဳးေရး ခြဲျခားမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေနပါသလားဆိုတဲ႔ ေမးခြန္းကိုေတာ့ Yun Sun က အခုလို တုံ႔ျပန္ပါတယ္။
“လူမ်ိဳးေရး အရ ခြဲျခား ဆက္ဆံတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဒါက ကိုးကြယ္ယံုၾကည္မႈ ပါေနတာပါ။ အခ်က္အလက္ေတြ သမိုင္းဆိုင္ရာေတြလည္း ပါေနပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ တခ်က္ကေတာ့ မူဆလင္ေတြမွာ မိသားစုေတြက ပိုၿပီး ႀကီးတယ္၊ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ေတြထက္ ကေလးေတြ ပိုၿပီးေမြးတယ္ ဆိုၿပီး ျမန္မာ လူထုၾကားမွာ ယံုၾကည္ေနၾကတဲ႔ အခ်က္ပါ။ ဒီကိစၥ အေပၚမွာလည္း ျမန္မာ ျပည္သူေတြက စိုးရိမ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔ အခ်က္အလက္ရွာ အဖြဲ႔ အေနနဲ႔ ျပသနာ တခုလံုးကို ပံုေပၚလာေအာင္ ဘက္ေပါင္းစံု ပါ၀င္ေအာင္ လုပ္ရမယ္လို႔ က်မ ယူဆပါတယ္။”
ျမန္မာ အစိုးရဘက္ကေတာ့ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြကို လံုး၀ လက္သင့္မခံဘူးလို႔ ေျပာဆိုေနသလို လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြကို တရားစြဲဆိုၾကဖို႔ တိုက္တြန္းထားတာပါ။ ဒါ႔အျပင္ ဘဂၤလားေဒရွ္႕ဘက္ကို ထြက္ေျပးရသူေတြ ျပန္လာၾကဖို႔လည္း ဖိတ္ေခၚပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ္လို႔ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ လက္မခံပါဘူး။ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ထဲကို ကိုယ္တိုင္ သြားေရာက္ခဲ႔ၾကတဲ႔ ကုလသမဂၢ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အေျခအေနဟာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ ဌာေနျပန္ႏုိင္တဲ႔ အခင္းအက်င္းမ်ိဳး မရွိေသးဘူးလို႔ ေျပာဆိုထားၾကပါတယ္။
Source by : https://burmese.voanews.com/a/un-investigation-commission-yun-sun-react-/4550703.html